2021年7月22日 星期四

Populist Leaders in Eastern Europe Run Into a Little Problem: Unpopularity 東歐民粹領袖的小麻煩:顧人怨


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2021/07/23 第343期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 
紐時周報精選 Populist Leaders in Eastern Europe Run Into a Little Problem: Unpopularity 東歐民粹領袖的小麻煩:顧人怨
The Power of Money: How Autocrats Use London to Strike Foes Worldwide 英國法律 成俄國等獨裁國追殺外逃政敵工具
紐時周報精選
 
Populist Leaders in Eastern Europe Run Into a Little Problem: Unpopularity 東歐民粹領袖的小麻煩:顧人怨
文/Andrew Higgins
譯/莊蕙嘉

東歐民粹領袖的小麻煩:顧人怨

A right-wing populist wave in Eastern Europe, lifted by Donald Trump's surprise victory in 2016, has not crashed as a result of his defeat last November. But it has collided with a serious obstacle: Its leaders are not very popular.

川普2016年的驚奇勝選在東歐掀起一波右翼民粹浪潮,雖未因他去年11月敗選而潰散,但遭遇一項重大阻礙:這些國家的領導人不是非常受歡迎。

After winning elections by railing against widely disliked elites, right-wing populists on Europe's formerly communist eastern flank, it turns out, are themselves not much liked. That is due in large part to unpopular coronavirus lockdowns, and, like other leaders no matter their political complexion, their stumbling responses to the health crisis.

藉由挑戰普遍不受喜愛的菁英而贏得選舉後,這些東歐前共黨地區的右翼民粹分子,事實上自己也不怎麼討人喜歡。這大部分肇因於令人厭惡的新冠病毒封城措施,以及他們對這次公衛危機的錯誤處置,就像其他犯錯的領導人一樣,無論其政治色彩為何。

In Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orban is being countered by an uncharacteristically united opposition. In Poland, the deeply conservative government has made an abrupt shift to the left in economic policy to win back support. And in Slovenia, the hard-right governing party of the Trump-loving prime minister is slumping disastrously in the polls.

在匈牙利,總理奧班遭遇反對派非比尋常的聯合挑戰。在波蘭,極度保守的政府在經濟政策上向左急轉以贏回支持。在斯洛維尼亞,喜愛川普的總理領導的強硬右翼執政黨,民調暴跌。

Slovenia's leader, Janez Jansa, who made international headlines by congratulating Trump on his "victory" in November and is a self-declared scourge of liberal, or what he calls communist, elites, is perhaps the most at risk of the region's unpopular populists.

斯洛維尼亞領導人楊薩,去年11月因恭賀川普「勝選」而成為國際頭條,他自稱會痛擊自由派或他口中的共產黨及菁英,如今或許他才是區域內不受歡迎的民粹主義者中處境最危險的人。

Propelled by nationalist promises to bar asylum-seekers from the Middle East and "ensure the survival of the Slovenian nation," Jansa's Slovenian Democratic Party won the most votes in a 2018 election. Last year, a new coalition government led by the party had an approval rating of 65%.

楊薩的斯洛維尼亞民主黨提出一些國族主義承諾,包括阻絕來自中東尋求庇護者,並「確保斯洛維尼亞國家生存」,促使該黨在2018年選舉贏得最多票數。去年由該黨領導的新聯合政府,支持度達65%。

This has since plunged to 26% and Jansa is so unpopular that allies are jumping ship. Street protests against him have attracted as many as tens of thousands of people, huge turnouts in a normally placid Alpine nation with a population of just 2 million.

如今支持度卻暴跌至26%,由於楊薩太不受歡迎,盟友紛紛跳船。反對他的街頭抗議吸引多達數萬人,在這個人口不過200萬的阿爾卑斯山脈寧靜國家算很多人。

Jansa has staggered on, narrowly surviving a no-confidence vote in parliament and a recent impeachment attempt by opposition legislators and defectors from his coalition.

楊薩勉強保住位子,以微幅差距挺過國會不信任投票,還有最近一次反對派議員及從聯合政府出走者發動的彈劾。But he has been so weakened "he does not have the power to do anything" other than curse foes on Twitter, said Ziga Turk, a professor and Cabinet minister in an earlier government headed by Jansa.

曾在楊薩領導的政府擔任內閣部長的特克教授說,楊薩實在太弱勢,「無力做任何事」,只能在推特上詛咒對手。

An admirer of Hungary's Orban, Jansa has sought to bring the news media to heel, as nationalist governments in Hungary and Poland have largely succeeded in doing, at least with television.

身為奧班仰慕者,楊薩試圖讓媒體聽話。匈牙利和波蘭的國族主義政府大致都做到,至少在電視是如此。

But the only television station that consistently supports him, has less than 1% of the television audience on most days — that it does not even figure in ratings charts.

但是持續支持他的唯一一家電視台,多數日子只有不到1%電視觀眾收看,甚至上不了收視率排行榜。

 
The Power of Money: How Autocrats Use London to Strike Foes Worldwide 英國法律 成俄國等獨裁國追殺外逃政敵工具
文/Andrew Higgins, Jane Bradley
譯/陳韋廷

英國法律 成俄國等獨裁國追殺外逃政敵工具

Olena Tyshchenko, a lawyer based in Britain, was facing years in a crowded Russian prison cell when a chance at freedom came via an unexpected source.

住在英國的律師奧萊娜.特先科在擁擠的俄羅斯牢房待了數年後,突然一個意想不到的來源帶來了重獲自由的機會。

An English lawyer named Chris Hardman, a partner at Hogan Lovells, one of the biggest law firms in the world, flew into Moscow while his firm helped draft a tantalizing offer: Tyshchenko could be freed if she provided information that could be used to help his client in a sprawling web of litigation in London.

一位名叫克里斯.哈德曼的英國律師來到莫斯科。他是世界上最大律師事務所之一霍金路偉合夥人,他的律師行幫忙起草了一份誘人提議:若特先科提供的資訊可被用在倫敦一個訴訟案中幫助他當事人,她就能獲釋。

The twist is that Tyshchenko was one of the lawyers on the other side. To win her freedom, she would have to turn on her client. It was a ruthless exchange. But the Moscow prison had been ruthless, too, and she reluctantly agreed. In a later interview, she said what seemed "most abnormal" was that lawyers opposing her in a trial in London could play a role in her fate in Russia.

問題是,特先科是另一方的律師之一。為了贏得自由,她必須背叛她的當事人。這是一場無情的交換,但莫斯科的監獄也是殘酷無情的,於是她勉強同意了。在後來受訪時,她說,看起來「最不正常」的是,在倫敦審判中她的對手律師,竟能影響她在俄羅斯的命運。

"They are extremely aggressive," she added.

她說:「他們極度好鬥。」

A Moscow prison. A London courtroom. One is part of a Russian legal system widely considered corrupt and subordinate to the Kremlin. The other is a symbol of an English legal system respected around the world. Yet after Hardman returned to London, an English judge would accept into the case the evidence obtained from the Moscow prison.

一邊是莫斯科監獄,一邊是倫敦法庭。一個是幾乎被公認聽命於克里姆林宮的俄羅斯腐敗法律體系一部分,一個則是在全世界受尊敬的英國法律體系象徵。然而,在哈德曼回倫敦後,一位英國法官同意,把從莫斯科監獄獲得的證據加入案件。

The episode is a vivid illustration of how the brutal politics of authoritarian countries like Russia and Kazakhstan have spilled into England's legal system, with lawyers and private investigators in London raking in huge fees and engaging in questionable tactics in the service of autocratic foreign governments.

這一事件生動地說明了,俄羅斯和哈薩克等獨裁國家的殘暴政治是如何滲透英國法律體系,倫敦的律師和私人調查員收取巨額費用,採取可疑的策略為專制的外國政府服務。

An investigation by The New York Times and the Bureau of Investigative Journalism — involving a review of hundreds of pages of case documents, leaked records and more than 80 interviews with insiders, experts and witnesses — reveals how London's courts are being used by autocrats to wage legal warfare against people who have fled their countries after falling out of favor over politics or money.

紐約時報和新聞調查局進行一項調查,查閱數百頁案件文件、外洩紀錄,以及採訪內部人士、專家和證人80多次,揭露倫敦法院是如何被獨裁者利用,對那些在政治或金錢上失勢而逃離自己國家的人發動法律戰。

Four out of the past six years, litigants from Russia and Kazakhstan have been involved in more civil cases in England than have any other foreigners. Authoritarian governments or related state entities are often pitted against wealthy tycoons who have fallen from favor and fled. Neither side elicits much pity — but both pay generous legal fees.

過去六年裡有四年,來自俄羅斯和哈薩克的訴訟當事人,在英國捲入的民事案件比其他任何外國人都多。獨裁政府或相關的國家實體,經常跟失寵而逃亡的富有大亨對立。任何一方都不會引起多少同情,但都支付了豐厚的律師費。

Filing litigation in London can bring legitimacy for claims by autocratic governments, whose own legal systems are so tainted that their decisions carry little weight outside their borders.

在倫敦提起訴訟,可為獨裁政府帶來合法性,這些政府自身的法律體系已遭汙染,以致其判決在境外幾無公信力。

 
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